Información

¿Eran las librerías "comunes" a finales del siglo XIX y en qué se diferenciaban de las modernas?


He estado leyendo un poco sobre las publicaciones victorianas. Estoy luchando por tener una idea de cuán comunes y similares serían las librerías victorianas en Londres.

Esto es todo lo que he leído. Parece que alrededor de 1890 todo lo que tienes de ficción en las tiendas son publicaciones periódicas delgadas y, de hecho, hay más bibliotecas que tiendas. ¿Es eso cierto?

¿Qué tan común sería una librería victoriana? ¿Almacenarían novelas de tamaño moderno o serían más para literatura científica?


Las librerías eran ciertamente convirtiéndose más común en la Inglaterra victoriana. De hecho, todo el mundo impreso explotó en el siglo XIX. La mayor parte se concentró en Londres, que en 1860 albergaba a 812 libreros, de los cuales 211 también eran editores.1 Edimburgo, la capital de Escocia, albergaba a otros 120 libreros, y 30 también publicaban. En contraste, el Directorio británico universal enumerados solo 988 libreros para todo el país a finales del siglo XVIII.2

Al mismo tiempo, las librerías aún tenían un largo camino por recorrer. Al estallar la Segunda Guerra Mundial, hubo cuatro a cinco mil libreros que operan en Gran Bretaña.3 Desde una perspectiva, entonces, las librerías no eran "comunes" en la Gran Bretaña victoriana, al menos no en la misma medida en que lo serían en el siglo XX.

No obstante, a finales del siglo XIX, las librerías habían irrumpido en el mercado de consumo masivo. Históricamente, los libros habían sido prohibitivamente costosos de adquirir. Esto todavía era cierto a principios del siglo XIX. Los libros seguían siendo un negocio de bajo volumen; los libreros no mantenían muchas existencias, sino que trataban la asistencia a los clientes en la adquisición de libros específicos como actividad principal.3 Incluso los suscriptores de bibliotecas privadas, que se promocionaban como un formato más barato para los lectores, pertenecían típicamente a los elementos más prósperos de la sociedad.4

Sin embargo, desde mediados de siglo en adelante, el número de lectores se extendió por todas partes. Si bien la mejora de la alfabetización jugó un papel importante, en el siglo XVIII se alcanzaron importantes avances en esa área. En cambio, la mayor parte del crédito debería destinarse a la disponibilidad masiva de libros de bajo costo.6 La Revolución Industrial estaba rindiendo dividendos y las innovaciones tecnológicas, como mejores técnicas de fabricación de papel e impresión, redujeron drásticamente el costo de las publicaciones impresas.

Los periódicos fueron los más difundidos. Con los costos de publicación reducidos después de la derogación de los impuestos sobre los periódicos, se volvieron asequibles incluso para la clase baja por solo un centavo o dos. Asimismo, comenzaron a surgir publicaciones periódicas especializadas que atienden a gustos y grupos demográficos dispares.4 Además de los escritos dirigidos a personas como agricultores o amas de casa, también se publicaron en revistas obras favorables a la familia, como las de Charles Dickens. A menudo, un miembro alfabetizado leía a toda la familia.

Literatura periódica complementada pero hizo no reemplazar libros convencionales; de hecho, los libros se volvieron más accesibles que nunca. En la segunda mitad del siglo, los precios de los libros cayeron vertiginosamente gracias al aumento de la competencia entre los libreros a nivel minorista.5 Décadas de intentos fallidos de fijación de precios finalmente fracasaron después de 1852, y durante las siguientes décadas los libreros entraron en un período de subcotización mutua intensiva e irrestricta.

La destructiva guerra de precios deprimió los márgenes de beneficio y llevó a la bancarrota a muchos comerciantes, pero también significó que los lectores tardíos de la época victoriana pudieran esperar un descuento sustancial en el precio de tapa de los libros. Cuando los minoristas y los editores finalmente cooperaron para promulgar el Acuerdo de Libro Neto de fijación de precios de 1899, los libros estaban siendo leídos por mucha más gente que nunca.



(Editorial Vickers, Holywell Street. Artista desconocido. Holywell Street era un centro notorio de publicaciones pornográficas antes de que fuera demolido para ensanchar el Strand)


(Daunt Books en Marylebone High Street. Una cadena de librerías que recientemente también comenzó a publicar. Fuente)

En la época de finales del período victoriano, las librerías ya eran bastante similares a las contemporáneas. La intensa competencia de precios llevó a una diversificación del negocio de los libreros. Papelería, diarios, calendarios, cartas, material de arte, periódicos, publicaciones periódicas y tarjetas de felicitación se pueden encontrar en las librerías de finales del siglo XIX.4 En otras palabras, muy parecido a lo que cabría esperar en una tienda moderna.

Al igual que los libros, las tarjetas de felicitación navideñas originalmente tenían un precio de lujo. Los avances técnicos como la litografía permitieron que las tarjetas se produjeran en masa a bajo precio, haciéndolas accesibles a la gente común a finales de siglo.


Referencias

1. "El comercio del libro". Boletín literario estadounidense y circular de editores (1864) 1.
2. Dickinson, Harry Thomas, ed. Un compañero de la Gran Bretaña del siglo XVIII. John Wiley e hijos, 2008.
3. Levy, Hermann. The Shops of Britain: a Study of Retail Distribution (Las tiendas de Gran Bretaña: un estudio de la distribución minorista). Routledge, 2013.
4. Graham, Kelley. Ido a las tiendas: compras en la Inglaterra victoriana. Grupo editorial Greenwood, 2008.
5. Daunton, Martin. La organización del conocimiento en la Gran Bretaña victoriana. Prensa de la Universidad de Oxford, 2005.
6. Perry, Karin. "Alfabetización y tecnología: una visión histórica". Herramientas tecnológicas para el aula de alfabetización (2013)


Marca comercial

A marca comercial (también escrito marca comercial o marca comercial [1]) es un tipo de propiedad intelectual que consiste en un signo, diseño o expresión reconocible que identifica productos o servicios de una fuente en particular de los de otros, [2] [3] aunque las marcas registradas que se utilizan para identificar servicios generalmente se denominan servicio marcas. [4] [5] El propietario de la marca registrada puede ser una persona, una organización empresarial o cualquier entidad legal. Una marca registrada puede estar ubicada en un paquete, una etiqueta, un vale o en el producto mismo. En aras de la identidad corporativa, las marcas comerciales a menudo se muestran en los edificios de la empresa. Está legalmente reconocido como un tipo de propiedad intelectual.

El primer acto legislativo relativo a las marcas registradas se aprobó en 1266 bajo el reinado de Enrique III, requiriendo que todos los panaderos usaran una marca distintiva para el pan que vendían. Las primeras leyes de marcas modernas surgieron a finales del siglo XIX. En Francia, el primer sistema integral de marcas del mundo se promulgó en 1857. La Ley de Marcas Comerciales de 1938 del Reino Unido cambió el sistema, permitiendo el registro basado en la "intención de uso", creando un proceso basado en el examen, y Creación de un sistema de publicación de solicitudes. La Ley de 1938, que sirvió de modelo para legislación similar en otros lugares, contenía otros conceptos novedosos como "marcas comerciales asociadas", un consentimiento para utilizar el sistema, un sistema de marcas defensivas y un sistema de derechos de no reivindicación.

Los símbolos ™ (el símbolo de la marca comercial) y ® (el símbolo de la marca registrada) se pueden usar para indicar marcas comerciales, este último es solo para uso del propietario de una marca registrada que ha sido registrada.


El auge de la vivienda residencial

En la primera mitad del siglo XIX, muchos de los residentes más pudientes del vecindario del Lower East Side de Nueva York comenzaron a trasladarse más al norte, dejando atrás sus casas adosadas de mampostería de baja altura. Al mismo tiempo, más y más inmigrantes empezaron a llegar a la ciudad, muchos de ellos huyendo de la hambruna irlandesa de la patata, o Gran Hambre, en Irlanda o de la revolución en Alemania. Ambos grupos de recién llegados se concentraron en el Lower East Side, mudándose a casas en hilera que habían sido convertidas de viviendas unifamiliares en viviendas de apartamentos múltiples, o en nuevas viviendas construidas específicamente para ese propósito.

¿Sabías? Para 1900, se habían construido más de 80.000 viviendas en la ciudad de Nueva York. Albergaban a una población de 2,3 millones de personas, dos tercios de la ciudad y una población total de alrededor de 3,4 millones.

Un edificio de viviendas típico tenía de cinco a siete pisos y ocupaba casi todo el lote sobre el que se construyó (por lo general, 25 pies de ancho y 100 pies de largo, de acuerdo con las regulaciones de la ciudad existentes). Muchas casas de vecindad comenzaron como viviendas unifamiliares y muchas estructuras más antiguas se convirtieron en casas de vecindad agregando pisos en la parte superior o construyendo más espacio en las áreas del patio trasero. Con menos de un pie de espacio entre los edificios, podía entrar poco aire y luz. En muchas viviendas, solo las habitaciones de la calle recibían luz y las habitaciones interiores no tenían ventilación (a menos que los conductos de aire estuvieran integrados directamente en la habitación) . Más tarde, los especuladores comenzaron a construir nuevas viviendas, a menudo utilizando materiales baratos y atajos de construcción. Incluso nuevo, este tipo de vivienda era, en el mejor de los casos, incómodo y, en el peor, muy inseguro.


Pestalozzi

Las teorías del reformador suizo Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi sentaron gran parte de las bases de la educación primaria moderna. Comenzando como un defensor de los desfavorecidos, estableció cerca de Zúrich en 1774 un orfanato en el que intentó enseñar a los niños abandonados los rudimentos de la agricultura y los oficios simples para que pudieran llevar una vida productiva y autosuficiente. Unos años más tarde, la empresa fracasó y Pestalozzi se dedicó a escribir, produciendo su trabajo principal sobre método, Cómo enseña Gertrudis a sus hijos, en 1801, y luego comenzó a enseñar nuevamente. Finalmente en 1805 fundó en Yverdon su famoso internado, que floreció durante 20 años, al que asistieron estudiantes de todos los países de Europa, y fue visitado por muchas figuras importantes de la época, incluidos el filósofo Johann Gottlieb Fichte, los educadores Froebel y Herbart y el geógrafo Carl Ritter.


6 Estadísticas minoristas importantes

Como ilustra el recorrido anterior a través de la historia del comercio minorista, muchos de los cambios en el comercio minorista y el comercio electrónico han influido en los cambios en el comportamiento de compra humano y, posteriormente, han sido influenciados por estos mismos cambios. Los estilos de vida y las necesidades de las personas cambian, al igual que la forma en que compran y lo que eligen comprar. Estas estadísticas muestran una imagen del comercio minorista moderno, pero también pueden ayudar a las empresas modernas a predecir el futuro del comercio minorista.

1. Las ventas minoristas alcanzaron los 6 billones de dólares en 2018.

Esos son algunos números importantes. El gasto minorista nos dice mucho sobre cómo se sienten los consumidores en la economía. Es comprensible que durante las recesiones, el gasto de los consumidores baje y cuando la gente tiene más confianza, esos números aumentan.

Lo que es importante recordar es que, incluso con cifras récord de gasto minorista, no todas las empresas están experimentando un auge. Los minoristas que no están a la altura de las innovaciones tecnológicas y las necesidades de la experiencia del cliente están cerrando sus puertas.

2. El 77% de los compradores utilizan dispositivos móviles para buscar productos.

Por mucho que la gente recurriera a la tienda general como pionera en el oeste, e inundó los centros comerciales suburbanos tan rápido como sus nuevos autos podían llevarlos, la tecnología impulsa cambios importantes en el comercio minorista. La proliferación de dispositivos móviles no es una excepción.

Las personas utilizan cada vez más dispositivos móviles, no solo para comprar artículos, sino también para investigar y comparar precios. Ya sea que se trate de una tienda minorista o una tienda de comercio electrónico, esta es una buena noticia para la publicidad para dispositivos móviles y una buena razón para tener un sitio optimizado para dispositivos móviles.

3. Los minoristas gastaron $ 23.5 mil millones en anuncios digitales (¡solo en 2018!).

De acuerdo con lo anterior, los especialistas en marketing minorista están tomando nota de dónde los clientes buscan y obtienen su información ahora ... y no de las vallas publicitarias en las carreteras y los periódicos. En 2018, los anuncios digitales representaron el 70% de la inversión publicitaria de los minoristas. Los minoristas aumentaron su inversión en publicidad digital en casi un 19% en solo un año.

4. El ladrillo y el mortero todavía es dueño de la industria minorista por 4: 1.

Las tiendas físicas han sido un elemento básico del comercio minorista estadounidense durante cientos de años, por lo que, aunque el comercio electrónico está creciendo en influencia, todavía no está reemplazando a las tiendas físicas por el momento. De hecho, las tiendas físicas todavía poseen (o se prevé que posean) más del 80% de las ventas minoristas mundiales de 2015 a 2021.

Las empresas de comercio electrónico exitosas están teniendo éxito al tener una presencia física y en línea que funcionan a la perfección. Por ejemplo, los clientes pueden ejercitar la capacidad de buscar en línea y comprar el producto en la tienda o incluso comprar en línea y recogerlo en la tienda.

5. Se espera que la cuota de mercado del comercio electrónico alcance el 13,7% en 2019.

Si bien las personas no renuncian a las compras y las experiencias en persona por mucho tiempo, la participación del mercado minorista para el comercio electrónico está en aumento. Está creciendo lo suficientemente rápido como para alcanzar el 17,5% en 2021. En general, esto ofrece oportunidades a las empresas que desean expandirse en línea, mejorar su experiencia en línea o sincronizar mejor sus canales en línea y fuera de línea.

6. El 54% de los consumidores citan la posibilidad de comprar las 24 horas del día, los 7 días de la semana como la razón principal para comprar en línea.

Esta estadística realmente llega al corazón de cómo los cambios en el comportamiento y las expectativas del cliente van de la mano.

Anteriormente, los compradores estaban entusiasmados con los grandes almacenes que podían ofrecer consejos sobre el estilo de vida y experiencias de compra personalizadas. Luego les encantaron los centros comerciales y llegaron a esperar la conveniencia de que todas las tiendas que querían estuvieran en el mismo lugar. Finalmente, el ascenso de las grandes tiendas les dio la expectativa de una ventanilla única garantizada para ofrecer grandes descuentos minoristas.

Ahora esperan todas estas cosas y la posibilidad de tenerlos sentados en la cama con sus teléfonos a las 3 a.m.


Contenido

Los partidos políticos del siglo XIX se consideraban a sí mismos como ejércitos, como organizaciones de lucha jerárquicas y disciplinadas cuya misión era derrotar a un oponente claramente identificado. [3] Si se derrotaban, sabían cómo retirarse, reagruparse y luchar de nuevo otro día. Si ganaban, entonces la victoria era dulce. En una era en la que muchos, si no la mayoría, de los líderes políticos tenían experiencia como oficiales de la milicia, y tal vez habían participado en combates reales, estructurar los partidos a lo largo de una cadena de mando militarista parecía bastante lógico. Para librar una batalla política, el partido tenía que desarrollar una cadena de mando. Los jefes de estado y nacionales eran normalmente los líderes reconocidos. Después de la elección, el liderazgo volvió a los comités estatales y del condado, o algunas veces a los "jefes" estatales, con poco poder en manos del presidente nacional. Los comités del condado enviaron delegados a la convención estatal, donde se seleccionaron los nominados estatales. A su vez, los comités del condado se basaban en convenciones locales, reuniones masivas abiertas a cualquier partidario que se identificara a sí mismo. [4] En la década de 1790, Thomas Jefferson y Alexander Hamilton crearon sus partidos de apoyo trabajando desde la capital nacional, al igual que los Whigs en la década de 1830. Por otro lado, los principales terceros surgieron típicamente del nivel estatal, incluidos los anti-masones, los republicanos, los que no saben nada y los populistas. [5] El movimiento Anti-Masónico dio lugar o expandió el uso de muchas innovaciones que se convirtieron en una práctica aceptada entre otros partidos, incluyendo convenciones de nominación y periódicos del partido. [6] En contraste con los demócratas, que siempre enfatizaron la lealtad inquebrantable del partido hacia los candidatos elegidos, la herencia antimasónica de los whigs incluía una desconfianza en las maniobras políticas tras bambalinas de los jefes de los partidos. En cambio, hicieron llamamientos directos a la gente a través de gigantescos mítines, desfiles y manifestaciones retóricas. [7] Además, los Anti-Masones ayudaron en el surgimiento del Partido Whig como la principal alternativa a los Demócratas, con convenciones, periódicos y posiciones Anti-Masónicas sobre temas que incluyen mejoras internas y aranceles adoptados por los Whigs. [8]

Theodore Roosevelt, antes de convertirse en presidente en 1901, estuvo profundamente involucrado en la política de la ciudad de Nueva York. Explica cómo funcionaba la máquina:

La organización de una fiesta en nuestra ciudad se parece mucho a la de un ejército. Hay un gran jefe central, asistido por lugartenientes de confianza y capaces, que se comunican con los diferentes jefes de distrito, a quienes intimidan y asisten alternativamente. El jefe de distrito a su vez tiene una serie de medio subordinados, medio aliados, bajo él estos últimos eligen a los capitanes de los distritos electorales, etc., y entran en contacto con los heelers comunes. [9]

Cheatham explora en detalle muchos de los puntos delicados que incluyen mítines masivos, organizaciones auxiliares, grupos de mujeres, música, folletos y objetos materiales como pancartas, uniformes de marcha y botones. [10]

Para 1800, los republicanos de Jefferson tenían un sistema bien desarrollado para reclutar tropas en todo el país, y un sistema de correspondencia que los líderes de los partidos estatales y locales solían mantenerse en contacto. Como se quejó un federalista de Boston: "Los jacobinos han perfeccionado por fin su propia disciplina; se les entrena, se les asigna un cargo, se les ordena y se les forma para subordinarlos de una manera que nuestra propia milicia nunca ha igualado". Los federalistas comenzaron a imitar las tácticas de sus oponentes, pero siempre fueron demasiado elitistas para apreciar el valor de un movimiento de base. La bancada demócrata-republicana en el Congreso eligió candidatos presidenciales para el partido, mientras que los federalistas inventaron (en 1812) un sistema mucho más flexible de convención nacional. A diferencia del caucus, la convención representó a los votantes en todos los distritos y los delegados fueron elegidos específicamente para la tarea de seleccionar candidatos. Para la década de 1830, se había establecido el estándar de que la participación en la convención identificaba a la persona con el partido y le exigía que apoyara a los nominados seleccionados en la convención. Era posible cerrar una convención antes de que los candidatos fueran seleccionados, como hicieron los demócratas del sur en 1860, y los partidarios de Roosevelt lo hicieron en 1912. Los demócratas de Nueva York se dividieron perennemente en facciones duras y blandas, y los whigs a veces también se dividieron. Por lo general, ambas facciones afirmaron que su boleto era el único boleto legítimo del partido. [11]

William Jennings Bryan perfeccionó la técnica de múltiples apelaciones en 1896, presentándose simultáneamente como demócrata regular, republicano plateado y populista regular. Los votantes de todos los partidos podían votar por él sin cruzar su lealtad personal al partido. La mayoría de los estados prohibieron poco después que la misma persona se presentara con diferentes boletos: un hombre, un partido, una plataforma se convirtió en la regla habitual (excepto en Nueva York, donde los partidos tercero, cuarto y quinto han florecido desde la década de 1830). [12]

La estrategia de campaña básica fue la máxima movilización de votos potenciales. Para encontrar nuevos partidarios, los políticos sondearon sistemáticamente sus comunidades, hablando de los problemas estatales y nacionales del momento y observando qué temas obtenían las mejores respuestas. En una nación tan grande, compleja y pluralista, los políticos descubrieron que los ciudadanos eran especialmente leales a sus propios grupos étnico-religiosos. Estos grupos tenían perspectivas morales y necesidades políticas distintivas. Los whigs y los republicanos fueron especialmente eficaces para ganar apoyo entre las denominaciones pietistas y evangélicas. [13] Durante la Reconstrucción (1866-1876), los republicanos dominaron el sur con su fuerte base entre los afroamericanos, aumentada por Scalawags. A los demócratas les fue mucho mejor entre los católicos y otros grupos de la alta iglesia (litúrgica), así como entre los que querían un gobierno mínimo y entre los blancos que exigían que no se les concediera a los afroamericanos la igualdad política o social.

A medida que los partidos desarrollaron posiciones distintivas sobre temas como la modernización de la economía y la expansión hacia el oeste, los votantes se sintieron atraídos por uno u otro partido. Los whigs y los republicanos apoyaron agresivamente la modernización de la economía, apoyando a los bancos, ferrocarriles, fábricas y aranceles, y prometieron un rico mercado interno en las ciudades para los productos agrícolas. Los whigs siempre se opusieron a la expansión, al igual que los republicanos hasta 1898. [14] Los demócratas hablaron de las virtudes agrarias del granjero, la expansión hacia el oeste y lo bien que se comportaba la vida rural con los valores jeffersonianos. [15]

Ambas partes establecieron clubes de campaña, como el Wide Awakes, donde los hombres jóvenes desfilaron en procesiones con antorchas vistiendo uniformes especiales y sosteniendo pancartas de colores. A fines del siglo, los partidos del Medio Oeste se combinaron para formar más del 90 por ciento del electorado elegible en estados enteros, llegando a más del 95 por ciento en 1896 en Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Michigan y Ohio. Algunos condados pasaron la marca del 100 por ciento, no por fraude, sino porque los partidos rastrearon a las personas que el censo había pasado por alto. El fraude tuvo lugar en las elecciones municipales de las grandes ciudades, donde los vigilantes de distrito podían esperar recompensas tangibles. Aparte de algunos episodios de reconstrucción en el sur, hubo poco fraude en las elecciones presidenciales porque los trabajadores locales no estaban en línea para recibir recompensas presidenciales.

La mejor manera de generar entusiasmo era mostrar entusiasmo. Los partidos utilizaron mítines, desfiles, pancartas, botones e insignias para mostrar el partidismo y promover el tema de que con tanta fuerza la victoria debe ser inevitable. El bando que perdía solía sorprenderse y tendía a atribuir la derrota a factores sobrenaturales, como el mal tiempo o la traición. [dieciséis]

Los partidos crearon un sistema de comunicaciones internas diseñado para mantenerse en estrecho contacto con los votantes. Establecieron redes de activistas en todos los condados encargados de visitar a todos los partidarios potenciales en un vecindario específico, especialmente en los últimos días críticos antes de las elecciones. Estos trabajadores, por supuesto, incluían a los activistas que asistieron a las convenciones y finalmente seleccionaron a los candidatos. Esta intensa red cara a cara proporcionó información excelente en ambas direcciones: los líderes descubrieron inmediatamente lo que le gustaba y lo que no le gustaba a la base. [17]

El primer sistema de comunicaciones fue una red nacional de periódicos partidistas. Casi todos los periódicos semanales y diarios fueron órganos del partido hasta principios del siglo XX. Gracias a la invención de las prensas de alta velocidad para los periódicos urbanos y al franqueo gratuito de las hojas rurales, proliferaron los periódicos. En 1850, el censo contaba 1.630 periódicos del partido (con una circulación de aproximadamente uno por votante) y sólo 83 periódicos "independientes". La línea del partido estaba detrás de cada línea de copia de noticias, sin mencionar los editoriales autorizados, que exponían la "estupidez" del enemigo y los "triunfos" del partido en todos los números. Los editores eran altos líderes del partido y, a menudo, eran recompensados ​​con lucrativos puestos de dirección. Los principales editores, como Horace Greeley, Whitelaw Reid, Schuyler Colfax, Warren Harding y James Cox, fueron nominados en la lista nacional.

Kaplan describe los métodos sistemáticos mediante los cuales los periódicos expresaron su partidismo. La publicidad pagada fue innecesaria, ya que el partido alentó a todos sus seguidores leales a suscribirse: [18]

  • Los editoriales explicaron en detalle las fortalezas de la plataforma del partido y las debilidades y falacias de la oposición.
  • A medida que se acercaban las elecciones, había listas de candidatos aprobados.
  • Las reuniones del partido, los desfiles y los mítines se publicitaron con anticipación y se informaron en profundidad después. Se exageró la emoción y el entusiasmo, mientras que las manifestaciones enemigas desanimadas fueron ridiculizadas.
  • Los discursos a menudo se transcribían con todo detalle, incluso los largos que incluían miles de palabras.
  • Las ilustraciones grabadas en madera celebraron los símbolos del partido y retrataron a los candidatos.
  • Las caricaturas editoriales ridiculizaron a la oposición y promovieron la boleta del partido.
  • A medida que se acercaban las elecciones, las predicciones y las encuestas informales garantizaban la victoria.
  • Los periódicos imprimieron boletas llenas que los trabajadores del partido distribuyeron el día de las elecciones para que los votantes pudieran depositarlas directamente en las urnas. Todos pudieron ver por quién votó la persona. [19]
  • Los primeros informes noticiosos al día siguiente, a menudo afirmaban la victoria; a veces pasaban días o semanas antes de que el editor admitiera la derrota.

Después de 1900, William Randolph Hearst, Joseph Pulitzer y otros políticos y editores de las grandes ciudades descubrieron que podían obtener muchas más ganancias a través de la publicidad, a tantos dólares por cada mil lectores. Al convertirse en no partidistas, ampliaron su base para incluir al partido de la oposición y al número cada vez mayor de consumidores que leían los anuncios pero que estaban cada vez menos interesados ​​en la política. Hubo menos noticias políticas después de 1900, aparentemente porque los ciudadanos se volvieron más apáticos y compartieron sus lealtades partidistas con los nuevos equipos deportivos profesionales que atrajeron a un público creciente. [20] [21]

Whitelaw Reid, el poderoso editor desde hace mucho tiempo del Republican Tribuna de Nueva York, enfatizó la importancia de los periódicos partidistas en 1879:

El verdadero estadista y el editor realmente influyente son aquellos que pueden controlar y guiar a los partidos. Existe una vieja pregunta sobre si un periódico controla la opinión pública o la opinión pública controla el periódico. Esto al menos es cierto: el editor triunfa mejor si interpreta mejor las tendencias predominantes y mejores de la opinión pública y, cualesquiera que sean sus opiniones personales al respecto, no se aleja demasiado de sus relaciones con ella. Entenderá que una fiesta no es un fin, pero un medio lo usará si lo lleva a su fin, usará otro si eso le sirve mejor, pero nunca cometerá la locura de intentar llegar al fin sin los medios. . De todas las locuras pueriles que se han enmascarado ante el Cielo Alto bajo el disfraz de la Reforma, la más infantil ha sido la idea de que el editor sólo podía reivindicar su independencia sentándose en la cerca y arrojando piedras con vigor imparcial tanto a amigos como a enemigos. [22]

Las campañas se financiaron internamente durante la mayor parte del siglo. Los aspirantes a cargos prestaron sus servicios como oradores, los líderes adinerados contribuyeron con dinero en efectivo, y las personas nombradas por el patrocinio no solo trabajaron para el partido, sino que también donaron del 2 al 5 por ciento de los salarios. El problema con el sistema fue la maldición del ganador: en una elección cerrada, los gerentes de campaña prometen los mismos trabajos lucrativos una y otra vez. Si perdían, no importaba si ganaban, se enfrentaban a una tarea imposible, que estaba garantizado para alienar a los seguidores. Abraham Lincoln, por ejemplo, fue un destacado partidario occidental de Zachary Taylor en 1848, y quería a cambio ser nombrado Comisionado de la Oficina de Tierras. En cambio, le ofrecieron un trabajo en Oregon que, si bien pagaba bien, terminaría su carrera en Illinois. Lincoln declinó y abandonó el partido. Después de que la reforma de la administración pública se puso en marcha a finales de siglo, se necesitaron nuevas fuentes de ingresos. Mark Hanna encontró la solución en 1896, cuando facturó sistemáticamente a las corporaciones su parte de la campaña. [23]

La campaña más emocionante, incluso apasionada, fue la cruzada. [24] Un nuevo cuerpo de políticos intensamente moralistas descubriría repentinamente que la oposición estaba instalada en el poder, era completamente corrupta y tenía planes para destruir por completo el republicanismo. Los estadounidenses estaban profundamente comprometidos con el principio de que nunca se podía permitir que el republicanismo desapareciera, por lo que las cruzadas despertaron su intensidad emocional. La propia Revolución Americana había seguido esta fórmula, al igual que los seguidores de Jefferson en 1800. Andrew Jackson en 1828 inició el Segundo Sistema de Partidos haciendo una cruzada contra el "trato corrupto" que le había negado la Casa Blanca en 1824, y nuevamente contra el Banco de la República. Estados Unidos en 1832. [25] James Gordon Bennett Sr. (1795-1872) fue el poderoso editor y editor del New York Herald, 1835-1866. Por lo general, tenía la base de lectores más grande de la ciudad de Nueva York y fue pionera en el uso de nuevas técnicas para llegar a la mayor audiencia posible. Según el historiador Robert C Bannister, Bennett era:

Un editor talentoso y controvertido. Bennett transformó el periódico estadounidense. Ampliando la cobertura tradicional, Harold proporcionó informes deportivos, una página de la sociedad y consejos para los enamorados, que pronto serán características permanentes de la mayoría de los diarios metropolitanos. Bennett cubrió asesinatos y escándalos sexuales y detalles deliciosos, falsificando materiales cuando era necesario. Su hábil uso del telégrafo, el pony express e incluso los barcos en alta mar para interceptar los despachos europeos estableció altos estándares para la recopilación rápida de noticias. [26]

Bannister también argumenta que Bennett fue uno de los principales cruzados contra los males que percibió:

Combinando oportunismo y reforma, Bennett expuso el fraude en Wall Street, atacó al Banco de los Estados Unidos y, en general, se unió al asalto jacksoniano al privilegio. Como reflejo de un nativismo creciente, publicó extractos de las revelaciones anticatólicas de "Maria Monk" y saludó cordialmente a Know-Nothingism. Defendiendo los sindicatos en principio, asestó mucha actividad sindical. Incapaz de condenar abiertamente la esclavitud, se opuso al abolicionismo. [27]

Los republicanos comenzaron el sistema de terceros con una cruzada contra la esclavitud en 1856, mientras que Greeley presentó los cargos contra la corrupción de Grant en 1872. La cruzada más dramática fue la de William Jennings Bryan en 1896, ya que identificó el oro y los intereses económicos como responsables de la depresión, la pobreza y plutocracia. La forma de lidiar con los cruzados no era defender el status quo, sino lanzar una contra-cruzada, atacando a los cruzados como extremistas locos. Así, Jefferson fue atacado como ateo, Jackson como asesino y duelista, Fremont como desunionista y Bryan como anarquista. [28]

En la década de 1820, todos los cargos gubernamentales eran elegidos o elegidos por funcionarios electos. Después de 1848, muchos estados revisaron sus constituciones para que los jueces fueran elegidos por períodos fijos y tuvieran que hacer campaña ante los votantes como todos los demás. A diferencia de otros países, se eligieron muchos cargos diferentes, con días de elecciones escalonados, por lo que hubo poco respiro de las campañas constantes. A medida que los políticos descubrieron más bloques potenciales de votantes, trabajaron para abolir los estándares tradicionales de propiedad para el sufragio. Los principios del republicanismo parecían exigir que todos fueran elegibles y, de hecho, votaran. Varios estados permitieron que los inmigrantes votaran antes de sacar los documentos de ciudadanía en otros lugares donde los partidos facilitaron el proceso de naturalización. A mediados de siglo, prácticamente todos los hombres blancos adultos eran un votante potencial, o de hecho, un votante real, ya que la participación en todo el país alcanzó el 81 por ciento en 1860. Estados Unidos estaba en marcado contraste con Europa, donde las clases medias, los campesinos y los trabajadores industriales tenían que movilizarnos para exigir el sufragio. A finales de siglo, los estadounidenses crearon movimientos de agricultores y trabajadores, pero la mayoría no eran partidistas, y los que presentaban candidatos rara vez duraban más de una elección o dos. [29]

George Caleb Bingham (1811-1879) fue un artista estadounidense cuyas pinturas de las elecciones de la década de 1850 son utilizadas por los historiadores para explicar las complejidades y los detalles de la democracia de base. Las pinturas estuvieron de gira durante años, ya que los estadounidenses pagaban dinero para verse a sí mismos en acción política. [30]

De Bingham Serie de elecciones comprende tres cuadros: La elección del condado, Stump hablando, y El veredicto del pueblo. Bingham tenía la intención de que la serie llegara a una audiencia nacional en lugar de solo a los habitantes de Missouri. Para difundir su idea de personas e instituciones libres, exhibió sus pinturas en Washington e instó al Comité de Bibliotecas del Congreso a comprarlas para que los líderes estadounidenses pudieran verlas. Cuando el Comité de Bibliotecas del Congreso decidió no comprar su trío, prestó las pinturas a la Asociación de Bibliotecas Mercantiles en St. Louis. [31]

La elección del condado Editar

La primera pintura hecha para el Serie de elecciones muestra el proceso de votación en Missouri. [32] La elección del condado depicts a variety of people from several different social classes, such as young boys playing a game, two men talking about the election happening around them, and a mass of men walking up the stairs to vote. [33] A banner shows the words, "The Will of the People The Supreme Law", a credo that had great meaning for Bingham. He believed that people had a right to share their ideas he also believed that he lost his seat in the legislature in 1846 due to his failure to follow the people's will.

A mill in the painting's background provides both a local detail and a reference to a Whig candidate who used a mill as a political symbol. The cedar barrels are evocative of another Whig candidate, who used these as his political symbol. [34] In his first painting of The County Election, Bingham showed two men flipping a coin beneath a judge. The two people represent ex-governor Marmaduke's bet that he had placed on the election of Bingham versus his opponent, Erasmus Sappington. Bingham also purposefully kept the scene outside to represent universal suffrage, one of his beliefs. The openness of the setting shows that politics should happen in the open rather than behind the curtains of the government. The idea of universal suffrage aligns with Bingham's idea of the will of the people: everyone should have the right to vote because the will of the people should be the supreme law. One critic complained that the painting made a mockery of American principles by including details such as the drunkard voting in the foreground. The critic claimed that by showing drinking and gambling as part of the election process, Bingham was defaming the political process. [35]

Stump Speaking Edit

In the second painting of the trio, Stump Speaking, a politician persuades Missourians to vote in his favor. Depicted are three figures who stand out because of their startling bright white clothing: the "Stump Speaker", the "Outstanding Citizen" (the seated man opposite of the speaker), and the "Small Businessman" (the young child in the middle of the painting). Before creating the painting, Bingham had made preliminary sketches of the three aforementioned people, who represented his ideas of the past, present, and future of American politics. The "Outstanding Citizen", as Bingham's sketch refers to him, represents the past, as the man's sharp edges and fine clothes show how he is unwilling to bend his beliefs, and instead works among the people. His sharp edges contrast with the softer curves of the "Stump Speaker", the character who represents the present of American politics. The "Stump Speaker" appears to be swaying the assembled crowd by bending to the people's desires, shown by the curving arm that is outstretched to the audience. The "Small Businessman" represents the future. That child shows how people are starting to focus more on their money, as the child does, and less on politics, parallel to how the child is detached from the debate surrounding him. The three people represent "the Jeffersonian past, of statesmen and gentlemen farmers the Jacksonian present, of demagogues, party hacks, and gullible citizens and a materialistic future of isolated citizens with no common public life at all." [36]

The Verdict of the People Edit

The last painting of Bingham's Election Series, The Verdict of the People, tells the end of the story represented in the series. In this painting, Bingham included several political motives and ideas regarding slavery, temperance, and a representative government. During the early 1850s, the temperance movement grew and more states were abolishing alcohol. A book by Herman Humphrey, Parallel between Intemperance and Slavery, associated the cause of anti-slavery to that of temperance. Bingham showed his view on intemperance and slavery by painting a banner that said, "Freedom for Virtue Restriction for Vice." The banner referred to temperance by saying that the vice and alcohol would need to be restricted for the people to be free. The banner then references Bingham's ideas of slavery by using the connection of the temperance movement and the anti-slavery movement to show that Bingham thought negatively about slavery and shared that view with intemperance. [37]


Visión general

In the decades following the Civil War, the United States emerged as an industrial giant. Old industries expanded and many new ones, including petroleum refining, steel manufacturing, and electrical power, emerged. Railroads expanded significantly, bringing even remote parts of the country into a national market economy.

Industrial growth transformed American society. It produced a new class of wealthy industrialists and a prosperous middle class. It also produced a vastly expanded blue collar working class. The labor force that made industrialization possible was made up of millions of newly arrived immigrants and even larger numbers of migrants from rural areas. American society became more diverse than ever before.

Not everyone shared in the economic prosperity of this period. Many workers were typically unemployed at least part of the year, and their wages were relatively low when they did work. This situation led many workers to support and join labor unions. Meanwhile, farmers also faced hard times as technology and increasing production led to more competition and falling prices for farm products. Hard times on farms led many young people to move to the city in search of better job opportunities.

Americans who were born in the 1840s and 1850s would experience enormous changes in their lifetimes. Some of these changes resulted from a sweeping technological revolution. Their major source of light, for example, would change from candles, to kerosene lamps, and then to electric light bulbs. They would see their transportation evolve from walking and horse power to steam-powered locomotives, to electric trolley cars, to gasoline-powered automobiles. Born into a society in which the vast majority of people were involved in agriculture, they experienced an industrial revolution that radically changed the ways millions of people worked and where they lived. They would experience the migration of millions of people from rural America to the nation's rapidly growing cities.


Contenido

As part of the process of conquest, the economic regimes of the European colonies in the Americas developed various forms of forced labor exploitation of the indigenous peoples. However, the relatively low population density of some of the South American territories, resistance by some aboriginal groups to acculturation, and especially the high rate of mortality caused by the diseases introduced by Europeans caused the decline of the native population. Studies have shown that owing to their immunological isolation from the peoples of the Old World prior to the first contacts with Europeans from 1492 onwards, some 50-90% of the indigenous population throughout the Americas died from epidemic diseases, [13] exacerbated by the stresses brought on by violent conquest, dispossession and exploitation. This led the Spaniards to supplement aboriginal manpower with slaves from sub-Saharan Africa. [14]

Well into the 19th century, mining and agriculture accounted for the bulk of economic activity in the Americas. African slave labor held the advantage of having already been exposed to European diseases through geographical proximity, and African laborers readily adapted to the tropical climate of the colonies. In the case of Argentina, the influx of African slaves began in the colonies of the Rio de la Plata in 1588. European slave traders purchased African slaves, who were then shipped from West Africa across the Atlantic to the Americas and the Caribbean. The slave trade flourished through the port of Buenos Aires, where thousands of African slaves arrived to be sold. To provide slaves to the East Indies, the Spanish crown granted contracts known as Asientos to various slave trading companies, both from Spain and other European nations. [14]

Before the 16th century slaves had arrived in relatively small numbers from the Cape Verde islands. Thereafter the majority of Africans brought to Argentina were from ethnic groups speaking Bantu languages, from the territories now comprising Angola, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Republic of the Congo. Relatively few Yoruba and Ewe were taken to Argentina larger numbers of these groups were taken to Brazil. [14]

It is estimated that 12 million African slaves reached Latin America, mainly arriving at the ports of Buenos Aires and Montevideo, with many transported via slave ships to other regions through Valparaíso and Rio de Janeiro. An estimated 10-15% of slaves died during passage across the Atlantic. [15] However, many more died during the process of enslavement, travel through the interior of Africa, and while awaiting shipment, with an estimated 40 deaths for every 100 slaves who reached the New World. [16] [15]

The slaves were forced to work in agriculture, livestock, domestic work and to a lesser extent crafts. In urban areas, many slaves made handicrafts for sale, while revenues went to their masters. The Buenos Aires neighborhood of San Telmo and Monserrat housed a large quantity of slaves, although most were sent to the interior provinces. The 1778 census conducted by Juan José Salcedo of Vértiz showed very high concentration of Africans in cities located in regions where agricultural production was greatest: 54% in Santiago del Estero, 52% in San Fernando del Valle de Catamarca, 46% in Salta, 44% in Córdoba, 44% in the San Miguel de Tucumán, 24% in Mendoza, 20% in La Rioja, 16% in San Juan, 13% in San Salvador de Jujuy and 9% in San Luis, although there were some more in other cities and towns that were small percentages there. For example, one of the currently rich neighbourhoods of the city of Corrientes is still known as "Camba Cuá", from the Guarani kamba kua, meaning "cave of the blacks". [17]

Although most of the gauchos were mestizos (of mixed indigenous and Spanish ancestry), some were also of African ancestry.

In 1806-1807 the city of Buenos Aires had 15,708 Europeans, 347 indigenous and cholos (mestizos), and 6,650 blacks and mulattoes, while in 1810 there were 22,793 whites, 9,615 blacks and mulattoes, and only 150 indigenous and cholos. The area most densely populated by blacks was located in the neighborhood of Montserrat, also known as Barrio del Tambor (Drumtown), just a few blocks from the Congressional Palace. [ cita necesaria ]

The nations Edit

Slaves would group themselves in societies they called nations, some of which were Conga, Cabunda, African Argentine, Mozambique, etc. [ cita necesaria ]

The commonalities among the meeting places of the nations included artificially flattened and sanded opened spaces for dancing others were closed in with interior free space. In some cases the rooms were carpeted, and curtained, having been provided these items by the slave owner. The nation had its king and queen, previously chosen by democratic election, and a throne was erected where the flag of a particular nation was displayed. Every nation had a flag. There was also a platform, or dais, which among other things was used to receive great dignitaries such as Juan Manuel de Rosas, his wife, and his daughter, as portrayed in a painting by Martín Boneo. The headquarters was the site of social gatherings and dances. [ cita necesaria ]

Often the Afro-Argentine societies centered around the barrios, such as the del Mondongo nation or the del Tambor society. The Mondongo nation was one of the most important in Buenos Aires and was composed of 16 blocks in the barrio of Monserrat. Its name derived from the large quantity of tripe (mondongo) consumed by its members. The name Tambor was quite common in many towns, as the drum was the favored African instrument for dances and songs. [ cita necesaria ]

Sometimes slaves were purchased individually from abroad through an agent. For example, a letter sent from Rio de Janeiro says: [ cita necesaria ]

My dear sir: on behalf of the schooner Ávila I send you the negro girl that you charged me with purchasing here. She is thirteen or fourteen years old, was born in the Congo, and is called María. I will put on record that I have received the five hundred peso price. Greetings to you.

Despite the institution of slavery being widepsread, testimonies of the time argued that in Buenos Aires and in Montevideo slaves were treated with less cruelty than elsewhere. José Antonio Wilde, in Buenos Aires during Argentina's early independence period (1810–1880) said that: [ cita necesaria ]

the slaves had been treated with genuine affection by their masters, having no point of comparison with the treatment given to other colonies.

However, Wilde goes onto acknowledge that: [ cita necesaria ]

the tormented love more or less at this hapless fraction of the human genus (and that) between us were usually very badly dressed.

Alexander Gillespie, a British captain who participated in the British invasion of the Rio del Plata, noted the treatment of African slaves in Argentina: [ cita necesaria ]

"When these unhappy exiles from their country are bought in Buenos Aires, the first care was to instruct the master's lead slave in the native language of the place, and the same in the general principles and beliefs of their faith. The masters, as I have observed, were equally attentive to their morals. Every morning before they were to leave to Mass, they congregated in a black circle on the floor, young and old, giving them work of needle and fabric, each according to their abilities. Everyone seemed jovial and I have no doubt that the reprimand also entered the circle. Before and after lunch and dinner in one of the latter was presented to ask for blessings and give thanks, what we were taught to regard as prominent duties and always complied with solemnity.

In 1801 the first Afro-Argentine militias were organised, under the auspices of the Compañía de Granaderos de Pardos libres de Buenos Aires and Compañía de Granaderos de Morenos libres de Buenos Aires. The pardos were free people of mixed European, African, and Native American, particularly Guaraní, descent, whereas the "morenos" seem to have been composed of soldiers of largely African ancestry. [18] These forces were unified into the Batallón de Pardos y Morenos, also known as the Batallón Castas, at a strength of 9 companies, plus 4 auxiliary slave companies, at the time of the first British invasion of the Rio del Plata. [19] Regimental status was gained in 1810, and the new Regimento de Pardos y Morenos participated in the Argentine War of Independence. [20]

In 1812, Argentine politician Bernardo de Monteagudo was not allowed as a member of the First Triumvirate, due to his "questionable mother"—i.e., African ancestry. Bernardino Rivadavia, also of African descent, was one of the politicians who were barred from joining the triumvirate. [21] The Assembly of the Year XIII, called to establish the new independent state of Argentina, passed the law of freedom of wombs, whereby children born to slaves thenceforth were automatically free citizens, but did not free those who were already slaves. Many blacks were part of militias and irregular troops that eventually became part of the Argentine Army, but mostly in segregated squadrons. Black slaves could, however, ask to be sold and even find a buyer if they were unhappy with their owners.

After the abolition of slavery, many blacks faced widespread discrimination. The fourteen schools in Buenos Aires in 1857, only admitted two black children, although 15% of students that year were of color. In Córdoba in 1829, black children were entitled to only two years' secondary schooling, while white Argentine children studied for four years. Universities did not admit blacks until 1853.

Blacks began to publish newspapers and to organize for their rights. One paper, The Unionist, published in 1877 a statement of equal rights and justice for all people regardless of skin color was published. One of its statements read:

The Constitution is a dead letter and the Counts and Marquises abound, which, following the old and odious colonial regime intended to treat their subordinates as slaves, without understanding that among the men who humiliate there are many who hide under their clothes a coarse intelligence superior to that of the same outrage.

Other newspapers were The African Race, los Black Democrat y The Proletarian, all published in 1858. By the 1880s there were about twenty such Argentine blacks published newspapers in Buenos Aires and some researchers consider these social movements integral to the introduction of socialism and the idea of social justice in Argentine culture.

Some blacks entered politics. José María Morales and Domingo Sosa were in action as senior military officers and held significant political posts.

The old theories supported a genocide, as well as the reduction of the population, used similar arguments, but they were differentiated by the attribution of intentionality that the first attributes to the ruling classes. Among the causes expressed are the supposed high mortality of black soldiers in the wars of the 19th century (since theoretically they were a disproportionately high number within the armed forces -which would have been intentionally planned by the governments of the time-) and in a yellow fever epidemic in 1871 that affected the south of the city of Buenos Aires, as well as a large emigration to Uruguay (due to the fact that there would have been a larger black population and a more favorable political climate).

Research in recent decades has ruled out such theories. [6] Although it is true that blacks made up an important part of the armies and militias of the 19th century, they were not the majority nor did their number differ much from that of amerindians and whites, even in the lower ranks (the so-called cannon fodder). Nor did the yellow fever epidemics that affected Buenos Aires (especially the most lethal, which was that of 1871) have a big effect, since demographic studies do not support that view (on the contrary, they show that the most affected were recent European immigrants living in poverty) [22] and, furthermore, this theory does not explain the decline of the black population in the rest of Argentina.

The most widely accepted theory today is that the black population gradually decreased over the generations due to its mixture with whites and, to a lesser extent, amerindians, which occurred frequently since the 18th century in the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, and was it accelerated even more in the late 19th century (in the already independent Argentina) with the arrival of the massive white immigration wave from Europe and Middle East, [6] which was promoted by the Argentine governments of the time precisely so that the non-white population become "diluted" within the white majority through racial mixture. This process was similar to that of the rest of the continent (with different results depending on the volume of immigration and the particular demographic characteristics of each region) and is known as whitening.

This was based on the idea that white people (especially those belonging to Western European cultures) were the only ones capable of carrying on a civilization, while most non-whites (such as amerindians and blacks) were inevitably related to barbarism. [23]

However, unlike other regions of the Americas where there was a strong violent segregation of non-whites in an attempt to prevent racial mixing, Argentine elite thought that non-white offspring could be improved if were the result of a mix with whites. The exception, since mid-19h century, were those non-whites that still lived in tribal societies that were not part of the Argentine culture and weren't under the control of the government, in this case amerindians from several local indigenous peoples that usually had conflicts with it (other ones, on the other hand, were becoming integrated to the country's society), thus seen as incorrigible savages that were a block to the progress and a threat to the nation. This led to wars against them (like the Conquest of the Desert) that in some cases ended with genocides or mass murders (even making disappear some ethnic groups), also taking their lands.

In late colonial times the racial mixture was common because, despite the racism prevailing at the time, the level of segregation and violence towards non-whites who were part of colonial society in the territories that are currently part of Argentina, was less than that which existed in other European colonies in the Americas and other Spanish colonial regions where a greater intensity of slave labor was required (such as mining enclaves or agricultural large estates in tropical regions). For this reason there was less mistreatment towards slaves, who also had greater freedom to circulate, especially those who worked in the fields, where labor associated with livestock and extensive farming was fundamentally required. It was also more common for them to be able to buy their freedom, so even several decades before the abolition of slavery, it was in clear decline.

On the other hand, due to the association of blackness with barbarism, already at the last decades of the 18th century, blacks (who by then normally had a certain level of racial mixture and therefore lighter skin than most of slaves recently arrived from Africa, as well as less typical features of the race), according to their degree of freedom or good relationship with their masters or white social environment, gradually came to be considered in censuses and legal documents in ambiguous pseudo-racial categories (but beneficial for them) such as those of pardos y trigueños [6] (which also included amerindians who were part of colonial society and even whites with a high level of racial mixture) in an attempt to detach them from their slave past and, theorically, make them more functional to the modern society that the authorities intended to conform (according to their eurocentrist vision), and this allowed those already mixed blacks a better social position and a greater degree of freedom by moving away from their original racial category. In other cases, also due to their ambiguous phenotype, several tried to be recorded as indians (if they could explain their indigenous ancestry) [6] because this would allow them to obtain freedom, since from 16th century, in Spanish colonies it was prohibited the slavery of indigenous peoples of the Americas through the New Laws and the Laws of the Indies (despite this, it happened illegally, but much less frequently than the slavery of black Africans and their descendants, which was permitted). There were even cases of black women with a high degree of racial mixture who managed to be noted as señoras o doñas (categories reserved only for white women) with the help of white people from their environment (for example, couples). [6]

These situations made blacks prefer to form families with whites and amerindians (in this case only until mid-19th century, when features of that race became less desirable due to the persecution that started against several indigenous peoples) in order to have children who had lighter skin and features more distant from the natives of Sub-Saharan Africa, which increased their level of racial mixture and, therefore, decline, which lasted strongly even after abolition of slavery, since people with lighter skin continued to rule society and make up the majority of the elite, thus leaving dark skin associated with poverty in the Argentine idiosyncrasy.

The classification of an increasing number of non-whites (especially those who had at lest some racial mixture) into new ambiguous pseudo-racial categories was devised by authorities since the last years of the colonial period as a method to move them from their original racial identities (negros y indios) in an attempt to making them more assimilable within the modern society that was sought to create. This was a first part of the whitening, known as the lightening, [24] in wich non-whites were put gradually into categories that were closer to the white one, that was the more desirable. Also, the white elite, that was a minority in most places until mid-19th century, used this as a way to make a difference between "us" and "them", [23] allowing many people to "leave" their undesirable original categories, but at the same time preventing them to become labelled as whites (since in certain cases they presented an aspect closer to the white than that of the amerindian or black) to deny them the access to the power and privileges reserved for a minority.

In this way, terms such as morochos o criollos (which expanded its original colonial meaning, that was referred only to Spanish-descent whites born in the Americas) came to be used to catalog the vast majority of the population that was not clearly white (or whites descendants of Spanish from the colonial period in the case of criollos), helping later the narrative of the disappearance of amerindians and blacks in the country. The very people belonging to these races (which were already heavily racially mixed, especially in the case of blacks) actively sought to identify with the new categories since they were symbolically closer to whiteness, which made possible more benefits and less discrimination. Only blacks with dark skin were considered as such, and being a minority even within the Argentine black population itself, they were considered as isolated cases or foreigners (since, from late 19th century, several of them were free African immigrants arrived recently mainly from Cape Verde). In the case of amerindians, only those who were part of the indigenous peoples that still survived (who represented a small minority) came to be considered as such, but not those who were part of the majoritarian non-indigenous Argentine society.

In 1887 the official percentage of the black population was computed at 1.8% of the total. From that moment on it will not be registered in the censuses. The position of the State became explicit again when the National Census of 1895 was carried out when those responsible stated: [25]

It will not take long for the population to be completely unified into a beautiful new white race.

In reference to the racial mixture that had occurred with blacks for several generations, in 1905 the journalist Juan José de Soiza Reilly stated in his article Gente de color (published in the magazine Caras y Caretas) that: [26]

Little by little, this race is becoming extinct…the race is losing in the mixture its primitive color. It becomes gray. It dissolves. It lightens. The African tree is producing white Caucasian flowers.

From then on, and for almost a century, in Argentina practically no studies were carried out on black Argentines.

Today in Argentina, the Afro-Argentine community is beginning to emerge from the shadows. There have been black organizations such as "Grupo Cultural Afro," "SOS Racismo," and perhaps the most important group "Africa Vive" that help to rekindle interest into the African heritage of Argentina. There are also Afro-Uruguayan and Afro-Brazilian migrants who have helped to expand the African culture. Afro-Uruguayan migrants have brought candombe to Argentina, while Afro-Brazilians teach capoeira, orisha, and other African derived secula. It has been well over a century since Argentina has reflected the African racial ancestry in its census count. Therefore, calculating the exact number of Afro-descendants is very difficult however, Africa Vive calculates that there are about 1,000,000 partially Afro-descendents in Argentina. [27] The last census, carried on 27 October 2010, introduced the African ancestry survey. [28] [29]

Music Edit

Perhaps the most lasting effect of black influence in Argentina was the tango, which contains and continues some of the features of the tangos, meetings in which slaves assembled to sing and dance. [30] The modern term for a tango ball, milonga, has its roots in the Quimbanda language of Angola, and a large Afro-Argentine and Afro-Uruguayan contribution is also evident in the development of milonga and chacarera music. [31] [32] The song tradition of the payadores was also associated with Afro-Argentines, with some scholars, for example George Reid Andrews, arguing that it originated among the Afro-Argentine community, while others, such as Sylvain B. Poosson, view it as a continuation of the Andalusian traditions like the trovo. Whatever their origin, payadas provided an opportunity for black singers like Gabino Ezeiza to use music to articulate political consciousness and defend their right to exist within Argentina's increasingly white-dominated society. [33]

Important Afro-Argentine musical figures include the pianist and composer Rosendo Mendizabal, author of "El Entrerriano", as well as Carlos Posadas, Enrique Maciel (author of the music of the waltz "La Pulpera de Santa Lucía"), Cayetano Silva, born in San Carlos (Uruguay) and author of the San Lorenzo march, and Zenón Rolón, who wrote the 1880 funeral march in honour of the Liberator José de San Martín on the occasion of repatriation of his remains.

During colonial times the local population unofficially described different mixtures resulting from the union of Black African people with people of other ethnic origins as:

  • Mulato: Black and White parents. [34] In English: "Mulatto".
  • Morisco o Tercerón : Mulatto and White parents, although in the early phase of Spanish colonization the term "morisco" also denoted a Muslim who had converted to Catholicism. [34] In English: "Quadroon".
  • Albino o Cuarterón: Morisco and White parents. [34] In English: "Octoroon".
  • Quinterón: fifth-generation Black ancestry/one parent who is a Cuarterón and one White parent. Quinterones were not distinguishable in complexion and facial features from whites as even some Quinterones were lighter than many Spaniards the children of a Quinterón with a White person was considered White "free of any Negro race". [35][34] In English: "Hexadecaroon".
  • Zambo: Black/Amerindian mixed. In English: "Sambo".
  • Zambo Prieto: Black/Amerindian mixed with predominant Black.

Socially, ancestors in one of these categories were a stain in the family tree. These classifications, and others common in the colonial culture such as "mestizo" or cholo, were used to stigmatize people and prevent their social advancement. In some cases, well-known historical personalities were found in this situation figures such as Bernardo de Monteagudo and Bernardino Rivadavia, were described as "mulatto".

Immigrants from Cape Verde Edit

Between 12,000 and 15,000 descendants of immigrants from Cape Verde living in Argentina, of whom about 300 are native to the African continent.

This immigration began in the late 19th century and became important from the 1920s. The busiest periods were between 1927 and 1933 and the third, after 1946. [36] These migrations were mainly due to droughts in the African country that originated famine and death.

They were expert sailors and fishermen, which is why most places settled in ports such as Rosario, Buenos Aires, San Nicolás, Bahía Blanca, Ensenada and Dock Sud. 95% of them got jobs in the Military Navy, in the Merchant Navy in the Fluvial Fleet of Argentina and in YPF dockyards or the ELMA. [36]

Other immigrants from Africa Edit

In Buenos Aires Edit

In the popularly called Barrio del Once there are Africans who have come to escape the conditions of their countries, particularly Senegal. According to the Agency for Refugees in Buenos Aires, they came by seeking asylum or getting a visa to travel to Brazil and then Argentina, sometimes traveling as stowaways on ships. When denied a residence permit, the African refugees remain in the country without status and become lawful targets of human trafficking network. On Sunday some of the Senegalese community comes together to eat traditional dishes of their country. Some places already have African food recipes. [37]

In Rosario Edit

Since 2004 Africans who were exploited in their home countries stowed away to Argentina, particularly the port of Rosario, Santa Fe. Although figures are inadequate the numbers increase every year: in 2008 70 refugees arrived, after some 40 the previous year only 10 remained, the rest were repatriated. Many were children. [37]

They usually get on ships without knowing where they go, or believing they are going to a developed country in the northern hemisphere. They come from Nigeria, Côte d'Ivoire and Guinea. [37]

The first Africans to migrate in this way arrived in Rosario in 2004. They were adopted by a family, but most are not. Children have been housed in temporary homes and many adults live in rented rooms and earn money as street vendors. Some families formed and settled. [ cita necesaria ]

In Argentina, as in other countries of the Americas, racism related to skin tone or against people of African origin dates back to the days of colonial rule. In the caste system imposed by Spain, the descendants of people from black Africa occupied a place still lower than the descendants of persons belonging to aboriginal peoples.

Colonial racism passed into Argentine culture to a certain extent, as shown by certain phrases included in the national literature. Disputes with a racist tinge were depicted in a famous passage from José Hernández's book, Martín Fierro (La ida), published in 1870, in which the main character duels with a black gaucho after insulting his girlfriend and insulting him with the following verse:

"God made whites, Saint Peter made mulattos, the devil made blacks as the smut of Hell". [38]

Fierro then kills the man in a knife fight, and speaks disparagingly of the dead man.

In 1878 Hernandez published the second part of Martín Fierro, in which is described a payada (song competition) with the son of the man he had killed, also a black gaucho, that debates philosophical topics (such as life, creation, existence, etc.). Showing the evolution of the character and probably of Argentine society in the process of receiving millions of European immigrants, this time Fierro avoids the apparently inevitable duel.

The invisibility of deliberate Afro-Argentines and culture, is another striking manifestation of racism in Argentina, related to the tone of the skin or African origins.

In 2006 the president of the National Institute to Combat Discrimination, Xenophobia and Racism (INADI) recognized the invisibility of Afro-Argentines with the following words:

The afros in Argentina have been "invisible" and today unseen continue. This is the result of a process of diaspora caused by slavery and its transformation into servitude. The current social stratification places them in poverty.

The Forum of African Descent and Africans in Argentina was created on 9 October 2006, with the aim of promoting social and cultural pluralism and the fight against discrimination of a population in the country to reach the two million inhabitants.

The National Institute to Combat Discrimination (INADI) is the public body responsible for combating discrimination and racism.


Pre-1875 Paints return to top ▲

How were paints made prior to the widespread use of factory-made paint after 1875? How did they look? The answers to these questions are provided more to underscore the differences between early paints and today's paints than for practical purposes. Duplicating the composition and appearance of historic paints, including the unevenness of color, the irregularity of surface texture, the depth provided by a glaze top coat, and the directional lines of application, can be extremely challenging to a contemporary painter who is using modern materials.

The Boston Stone (1737), a surviving relic of early paint production, was used for pigment grinding in the shop of Thomas Child of Boston, a London-trained painter and stainer. Photo: Courtesy, SPNEA.

The pigments used in early paints were coarsely and unevenly ground, and they were dispersed in the paint medium by hand thus, there is a subtle unevenness of color across the surface of many pre-1875 paints. The dry pigments had to be ground in oil to form a paste and the paste had to be successively thinned with more oil and turpentine before the paint was ready for application. The thickness of the oil medium produced the shiny surface desired in the 18th century. In combination with the cylindrical (or round) shaped brushes with wood handles and boar bristles, it also produced a paint film with a surface texture of brush strokes.


6 Windows

Early windows were usually fixed lights or side-hung casements. All the examples below are mid to late 17th century. The timber window on the far left is part of a timber framed house built in Bristol s dock area. The second example shows a stone building (c1690) with timber window frames glazed with diamond shaped leaded glass (small panes of glass were much cheaper than large sheets). A hinged, wrought iron casement has been fitted into the right hand section of window. The window on the right has a fixed light directly glazed into the stonework and a hinged iron casement.

In the late 17th century sash windows were introduced to Britain. These windows were usually still formed in small panes because of the limitations of glass technology. The timber sections were quite thick and the window was set flush with the face of the brick or stonework (left hand photo - about 1710). The windows were controlled with lead (later iron) weights which counter-balanced the weight of the sashes. During the Georgian period the glazing bars became thinner and thinner and, at the same time, the windows were set in rebates which hid the box frames. In houses with thick walls the inner reveals often contained shutters (centre photo - about 1800). From the late 18th century onwards it became fashionable (for the wealthy at least) to have full length windows on the first floor leading onto a wrought and cast iron balcony.

Windows are visually important architectural elements. For example windows were integral to the architectural philosophy of the Georgian era, where their proportions were closely defined in relation to the dictates of symmetry. During the Georgian era window tax was introduced. This was levied on the number of windows in a house and goes some way towards explaining why some windows from this era were blocked up. In the middle of the 19th century this tax was dropped. This change was accompanied by increasing concern with daylight and ventilation, which the Victorians associated with good health. Consequently there was a move towards stipulating minimum window sizes. Towards the end of the Victorian period improvements in glass technology precluded the need for glazing bars altogether.

In the 1920s top hung and side hung casements became popular. The example on the left is from about 1920 and is a crude example of Queen Anne revival sash windows they were popular during the Edwardian period and were characterised by having a small-paned top sash over a single paned bottom sash - white paint was de rigeur. The right-hand example is from the mid 1930s casement windows with top hung leaded top-lights (often glazed with stained glass).

Metal windows, introduced in the very late 19th century, were very common until the 1970s. Early windows were plain mild steel from the 1930s they were mostly galvanised. As houses became better insulated and less well ventilated their shortcomings became more obvious - the cold inner face of the frames resulted in condensation.

In the post war period high rise housing required new approaches to window styles. Traditional sash windows could not possibly withstand the turbulence and exposure at high levels, and casement windows would be impossible to clean. A common form of window was the horizontal pivot window. These could be made from galvanised metal, timber or aluminium and could be cleaned from the inside.

Aluminium windows (below left) became very popular during the 1970s but, in recent years, have almost completely been eclipsed by plastic. Aluminium windows, like galvanised metal, are good conductors of heat and condensation is always likely to be a problem. In the 1970s a policy of rehabilitating older properties replaced slum clearance and high rise construction. In many cases budgets were not adequate and houses, originally refurbished for 30 years or so, required substantial extra investment after less than 10 years. One example of cost cutting was the louvre window (below right). These were cheap to make, just requiring a simple softwood frame, but were draughty, provided inadequate ventilation in the Summer, and could not readily be used as a means of escape. Other rehab and new houses were fitted with 'standard' timber windows. There were hundreds of styles (below middle). These windows were cheap but mostly made from poor quality timber.

Nowadays, windows are usually made from imported softwoods and hardwoods, or from plastic. There are literally hundreds of styles to choose from. The public has become accustomed to renewing windows, almost as fashion accessories, and often well in advance of their likely life. Because of this, replacement windows has become a very big, but in some cases completely unnecessary, business. The design of windows and the choice of material used may be controlled by planning authorities in conservation areas. Plastic replacement windows are a focus for concern in such areas because they affect character and appearance. Even outside conservation areas the replacement of wooden sash windows will have a significant visual affect on say a street of Victorian terraced houses (below right). The windows on the far right are mock Georgian the glazing bars are sandwiched between the double glazing.

©2009 University of the West of England, Bristol
except where acknowledged